Author: José Pedro Paiva
Part of: Coimbra in India (coord. by Rômulo Ehalt)
Peer-Reviewed: Yes
Published: December, 27th, 2025
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.18068900

The latest version of this entry may be cited as follows: Paiva, José Pedro, “Gaspar de Leão”, Conimbricenses.org Encyclopedia, Mário Santiago de Carvalho, Simone Guidi (eds.), doi = “10.5281/zenodo.18068900”, URL = “https://www.conimbricenses.org/encyclopedia/leao-gaspar-de”, latest revision: December, 27th, 2025.

Life

Gaspar de Leão was born in Lagos, in the Algarve, in South Portugal, and the identity of his parents remains unknown (Machado 1747: II, 356). The date of his birth is uncertain, but it can be reasonably deduced to have been around 1505. This is based on a statement made by Alessandro Valignano in a letter to Everardo Mercuriano dated 25 December 1574. In this letter, the Jesuit wrote that Leão was an “old man of more than 70 years” (Wicki 1958: 499).

The details of his early life and education are scarce. One of the earliest known accounts of his biography dates from 25 October 1536 and states that on that day he was awarded a degree in Canon Law at the University of Salamanca, although it is likely that he had been studying there since the end of the previous decade (Serrão 1962: 310). At that time, Salamanca was an important center of intellectual activity, where the teachings of Dominican friar Francisco Vitoria, in particular, had a profound impact, challenging many of the established practices by the Europeans in Hispanic America. Eugenio Asensio, an expert on Leão’s writings, suggests that he studied theology in Salamanca, not canon law. In light of the written output and spiritual practices of Master Gaspar or Gaspar de Santa Maria, names he also used, it makes more sense that he studied the sacred sciences than canon law. The designation “master” which appears in various documents lends credence to this hypothesis. Furthermore, Leão refers to himself as a theologian in the proem of his book Desengano de Perdidos (Disillusioning the Lost) (Leão 1960: VIIIr).

Mestre Gaspar returned to Évora shortly after the Salmantine period and was appointed chaplain to Henrique, then Archbishop of Braga, in 1538 and his preacher in 1541 (Serrão 1962: 310 and Leão 1960: IX-XI). On this second date, Henrique was already Archbishop of Évora and had assumed the role of Inquisitor General. It was within the orbit of this increasingly influential ecclesiastic, where prominent figures from coeval spirituality also congregated, most notably the Dominican Luís de Granada, that Gaspar de Leão remained during this period. On 12 June 1551, he was sworn in as a canon of the Cathedral of Évora, and on 27 July 1557, he was appointed Archdeacon in the same Cathedral (Machado 1747; II, 356 and Nazareth 1887: 31). It seems plausible that these contacts in Évora, coupled with his readings, prompted him to pursue more elevated forms of contemplative spirituality, including the paths of  “unitive love” as espoused by various Northern European spiritual masters, such as the Flemish Franciscan Heinrinch Herp (Harphius). A Portuguese translation of Herp’s book, Espelho de Perfeição, was published in Lisbon in 1533. Leão was undoubtedly aware of it. However, Silva Dias posits that, based on Gaspar de Leão’s Desengano de Perdidos, the Portuguese did not exhibit a particularly original approach to spirituality. (Dias 1960: I, 351-356). This was not an essential demand for an author of his time, as evidenced by Eugenio Asensio (Leão 1960: LXVI-LXXIII).

In 1557, King John III appointed Gaspar de Leão as Archbishop of Goa. This appointment was made on the basis of recommendations put forth by Cardinal Henry, thereby confirming that the Archbishop was a figure under the cardinal’s influence and a person he held in high regard (Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Morais, Memórias, Códice 489, fl. 102 and Paiva 2006: 316). On 4 February 1558 Leão was finally appointed Archbishop of Goa by the Pope (Archivio Apostolico Vaticano, Archivio Concistoriale, Acta Vicecancelarii, vol. 8: 114r). A letter from Queen Catherine, widow of John III and current regent of the kingdom, addressed to the Portuguese ambassador in Rome, indicates that Leão declined the assignment and only accepted it in compliance with a papal directive from Rome (Leal 1884: VIII, 62-63). It was not until 15 April 1560 that his consecration as archbishop took place in Lisbon (Machado 1747: II, 356). Four days later, he departed for India aboard the same fleet that had transported the inquisitors, whose mandate was to establish a tribunal of the Holy Office in Goa (Leão 1960: XXXVIII).

On 12 May 1560, the Queen Regent, as she had already done with other bishops of Portugal overseas dioceses, granted Gaspar de Leão the prerogative of being the one to choose in the diocese all the clerics who would occupy the benefices of canons in the cathedral and vicars in the parishes. Subsequently, Leão’s decision was to be conveyed to the Viceroy or Governor, who was then responsible for presenting the individuals designated by Gaspar de Leão (Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Chancelaria de D. Sebastião, Privilégios, 2, 160r).

In December 1560, the Archbishop arrived in Goa and proceeded to enter the city with a formal ceremony accompanied by numerous festivities, according to the account of Jesuit Brother Brás Dias (Rego 1952: VIII, 183-184). He continued to receive favours from Lisbon, an example of which was the “dowry” of 400,000 reais that Regent Catherine authorised on 1 January 1561 (Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Chancelaria de D. Sebastião, Privilégios, 6, fl. 66). The prelate, in turn, as was customary for bishops of territories within the Portuguese Empire, regularly sent information on his activities to the royal court in Lisbon, as evidenced by the letter he wrote on 20 November 1561 (Wicki 1958: V, 228-230). However, most of these missives no longer exist.

Gaspar de Leão arrived in a new diocese with structures created by his predecessor, Juan de Albuquerque, since the early 40s of the 16th century. He had to face the enormous challenge of evangelising the non-Christian populations. It was a context that the Archbishop, like most Portuguese who came to India, did not know well. In 1563, a Jesuit noted how little “experience he had of the land” (Wicki 1958: V, 741).

As Archbishop, aware of the reformation guidelines of the Tridentine Church and the jurisdictional power of bishops, he soon prohibited solemn mass baptisms. These included processions with the neophytes and the presence of various local secular and ecclesiastic authorities. At the end of 1560, he attended one of these rituals promoted by the Jesuits, in which hundreds of indoctrinated people were baptised. This led to a dispute with the Society of Jesus, which was only settled in 1563 after the intervention of the Pope and the Regent of the Kingdom of Portugal, now Cardinal Henry, who ordered that Leão should be on good terms with the Society’s priests and that the baptisms should continue as they had been before his arrival in India (Ventura 2011: 175 and Faria 2013: 81-83).

In line with the prevailing episcopal culture of his time, he was keen to gain a deeper understanding of the diocese. He was also committed to the pastoral dimension of his office and to ensuring that the behaviour of the people in his charge was in accordance with the expected moral standards. To this end, Leão undertook a number of pastoral visitations (Constituições 1558: Prólogo). During these visitations, he established a series of penalties, including the imposition of pecuniary fines on Christians and non-Christians who failed to attend Sunday Mass and engage in work on the day designated for divine worship (Rivara 1865: 5, second part, 510-512).

During this period, there were significant efforts to expel the Brahmins from the Goa region and to eradicate other religious groups and beliefs. At the same time, the persecution of heretics and apostates by the inquisition intensified. In this regard, Leão’s role in the destruction of a Buddha tooth that had been stolen by the Viceroy Constantino de Bragança in Jaffna, Ceylon, during his military campaign there in 1560, is frequently highlighted in chronicles. It is reported that the King of Pegu offered a considerable sum of money in order to redeem the tooth. In response, the Viceroy convened a council comprising theologians and the Archbishop. Leão would have been in favour of the tooth’s destruction, thereby forgoing the reward that the King of Pegu would have provided for it. Constantine of Braganza accepted the advice of the theologians and, in accordance with their recommendation, the Archbishop himself ground the tooth in a mortar, burnt the resulting dust, and then threw the ashes into the river (Couto 1616: 207-208 and Sousa 1710: I, 195-197). Later, in 1563, he attended a meeting with the Viceroy Francisco Coutinho and other churchmen, at which he argued for the expulsion of the Brahmins from Goa, as they were hindering the conversion of the natives “because they are the heads of the gentiles and those who have knowledge of the law and teach the heathen” (Wicki 1960: VI, 123). A similar offensive was carried out in the destruction of Hindu temples in the areas of Bardez and Salsete (Wicki 1962: VII, 388-389).

Additionally, the Archbishop dedicated himself to the construction of the cathedral and demonstrated charity in accordance with the archetype of the shepherd bishop. This is illustrated by his concern for the people in the villages surrounding Goa, as evidenced by his distribution of rice to the most impoverished during a period of grain scarcity in 1564 (Rivara 1865: 5, second part, 580 and Wicki 1960: VI, 353-357).

The most significant aspect of his legacy, particularly in terms of its enduring impact, is the preparation of the Constituições (Regulations) of the archbishopric of Goa. This compilation, among other objectives, aimed to implement in the diocese the decrees approved at the Council of Trent, which concluded in 1564. These decrees were transmitted to Leão by Pope Pius V and are extensively referenced in the published text.

As Ângela Barreto Xavier has rightly pointed out, the Constituições contributed more to the spread of a Tridentine Christianity of European origin in the territory than to the “indigenisation” of this religion, although they showed signs of adaptation to the social and cultural context (Xavier 2014: 153-156).  This adaptability is evident in the way the sacrament of baptism was administered to the large number of Asian people who received it. The Constituições stipulated that these baptisms should be voluntary, emphasising that “conversion must be of the will and baptism must be free, and there can be no force in it”. Moreover, all individuals newly converted to Christianity were required to undergo religious instruction prior to being baptised. This catechism was conducted in the native’s language and comprised an explanation of “what to believe, what are the articles of the faith, what to do, what are the commandments of the law”. Furthermore, the regulations stipulated that adult Jews, Muslims, and Yogis should be exempted from baptism unless they had undergone at least five months of catechetical instruction. This was intended to prevent them from subsequently reverting to their previous beliefs. These norms diverged from the established practices associated with solemn baptisms (Constituiçõens 1658: 5v-6). The regulations also recognised that the number of secular priests was small, but nevertheless they required them all to teach the people doctrine, preferably in their own language (Constituiçõens 1658: fl. 42). There are also several passages that show concern about the sacraments. In the case of marriage, the rules even mentioned the marriage of enslaved people. The Archbishop was attentive, he understood that all Christians had the right and even the duty to receive the sacraments, and he had noticed during his pastoral visitations that many slave owners prevented them from marrying. The normative text stipulated that slaves could marry, especially if they were in concubinage, in order to avoid sin (Constituiçõens 1658: 27v).  All these rules were, for various reasons, very difficult to implement.

Leão would still participate in the initial stages of the First Provincial Council of Goa, which was held between 1567 and 1568. However, he would subsequently withdraw from the proceedings (Rivara 1862: IV, 1-2). The Council paid more attention to local “circumstances” than the Constituições did (Xavier 2014: 151) The Council’s primary objective was to proselytise the considerable number of “infidels” residing in the Asian dioceses, with the aim of converting them to the Catholic faith. In this context, in accordance with the stipulations set forth in the Constituições, it was soon established that baptising individuals through the use of “threats and terrors” was not permissible (Rivara 1862: IV, 7). This statement suggests that, until then, baptisms had been forced. The rule also stipulated that the bishops were to investigate cases in which baptism had been administered without the freedom of the neophyte.

Many of the measures of the Provincial Council were directed at the enslaved population. They included the stipulation that Muslims and Hindus were prohibited from owning Christian slaves; the identification of numerous instances of unjust captivity; the establishment of the principle that slaves should be exempt from work on days of religious observance to allow them to attend mass; the requirement that owners organize masses for deceased slaves and request the attendance of a curate or vicar at the funeral; and the denunciation of the brutal physical punishment meted out by masters to their slaves. The Council Fathers were concerned that the enslavement of Christians might result in their loss of faith. Consequently, they decreed that baptized slaves could not be held by Muslim owners. Furthermore, they instructed the Viceroy to prohibit the transportation by Muslims of slave men and women, even those who were not Christians, except to Portuguese fortresses (Rivara 1862: IV, 9, 17-18, 46-47, 51, 53, 71, 79).

In the year 1566, Gaspar de Leão resolved to resign from his post. He duly conveyed this decision to the Holy See, which formally registered it on the 13th of January 1567. This was accompanied by the preconization of his successor, the then Bishop of Cochin, Jorge Temudo (Archivio Apostolico Vaticano, Archivio Concistoriale, Acta Vicecancelarii, vol. 10: 40-40r). Nevertheless, a letter from Pope Pius V, dated October 1567 and written in Rome, explicitly declines Leão’s request for resignation and instead requests that he continue to serve as the Archbishop of the diocese (Rego 1953: X, 252-254). Communication times between Goa and Europe were slow, so Leão was still present at the opening of the First Provincial Council of Goa in 1567. However, his resignation is beyond doubt, as his second appointment as Archbishop is known. Furthermore, in the minutes of the Provincial Council, Jorge Temudo refers to himself as Archbishop of Goa.

It seems reasonable to suggest that his appeal to the Pope to relinquish his role as Archbishop was influenced by the doctrines he espoused. In his Desengano de Perdidos he states that God demands “perfection” from all of humanity. In order to achieve this principle, Leão posits that individuals who are “active” are content with the outward expression of virtue. However, these individuals lack the necessary  “enlightenment from within”. Those who seek a genuine “familiarity” with God must therefore “adhere with greater haste to the contemplative life”. (Leão 1573: 252-253). In other words, after a few years of governing the archbishopric and undertaking the “external works” that he deemed necessary for the reform of Catholicism and the enhancement of his authority, he may have felt an inner calling in his advanced years, coupled with the affliction of asthma. This prompted his desire to withdraw from the world in order to pursue the path of contemplative life and, through divine grace, to love God more fully.

He stayed in Goa and retired to the Franciscan Convent of the Mother of God in Daugim, which he had founded and where, according to the Franciscan chronicles, he led a strict and contemplative life (Deos 1690: 23-35).

Following the death of Jorge Temudo, the Archbishop who had replaced him, on 19 November 1572, Leão was once again appointed Archbishop of Goa in a unique gesture that stands out in the history of the Portuguese episcopate during the early modern period (Archivio Apostolico Vaticano, Archivio Concistoriale, Acta Camerarii, vol. 11: 12).

This phase of his episcopate was of a shorter duration. It is noteworthy that on 11 June 1575, the Second Provincial Council of Goa was convoked. This assembly further demonstrated the Archbishop’s commitment to complying with Tridentine norms, particularly with regard to the frequency of this type of conciliar meeting. Additionally, it evinces his practical desire to resolve the problems raised by Christians “new to the faith”, that is, Asian people who had recently been baptised (Rivara 1862: IV, 77- 107).

 Gaspar de Leão passed away on 15 August 1576 and was laid to rest in the chapel of the Madre de Deus convent, a testament to his profound affinity with Franciscan spirituality (Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Morais, Memorias: 489, fl. 81).

Works

Gaspar de Leão left a large body of written work, which was unusual for the Portuguese overseas episcopate. His use of the printing press was an unambiguous indicator of modernity, facilitating the broader distribution of his pastoral work and doctrine. It was during his time that a movable type printing press was established in Goa (Boxer 1975).

Ângela Barreto Xavier suggested that the texts Leão published in Goa had a clear strategy. In her words, they constituted a “pastoral itinerary” (Xavier 2014: 142, 154-155). It was a conversion plan that encompassed norms, as evidenced by the Constituições and the decrees of the Provincial Councils. This plan initially targeted the Portuguese who were already established in Goa, then shifted its focus to the “heretic” New Christians, and ultimately concluded with texts directed towards Muslims and Hindus. This programme was supported by a doctrine of interior spirituality, which included a unitive approach that, in the model proposed by the prelate, would facilitate an ascent through the various stages of Christian love, culminating in a union with the divine. This interpretative proposal assumes that the archbishop had a plan formulated in advance and was less reactive to the contingencies that life presented to him, which would also be a plausible interpretation.

 Even before he took up the chair of the archbishopric, Gaspar de Leão published a treatise entitled Tratado espiritual para o sacerdote quando diz missa e para os ouvintes que a ouvem (Spiritual treatise for the priest celebrating Mass and for the listeners) (Leão 1558 and Machado 1747: II, 357). Similarly to his magnum opus, the author’s name is absent from this book, and no extant copy is known to exist.

His inaugural publication upon his arrival in Goa was the book entitled Compendio Spiritual (Spiritual Compendium) (Leão 1561). The text was primarily directed towards the Portuguese population and constituted a compilation of the sermons delivered by Leão during his inaugural year as archbishop at the cathedral. In the preface, he took St Paul’s Epistle to the Corinthians as a point of departure and drew a comparison between the bishop and a “gardener” who is tasked with “weed[ing] and water[ing] the plants” in order to facilitate their “growth, beauty and flavour” in accordance with divine will. In other words, the prelate was responsible for the spiritual wellbeing of the faithful, relying on divine grace to facilitate their path to eternal salvation. He further elaborates that the “gardener” bishop’s primary task was to cultivate the “human heart”, which was the source of “works worthy of eternal life”. Additionally, the “gardener” prelate was required to remove the detrimental influences that could potentially harm the “divine garden”, such as erroneous teachings and sins.

The lengthy book, which bears the grandiose title “A Spiritual Bouquet of Christian Doctrine”, commences with a series of didactic reflections and an invocation of conventional wisdom regarding the evils of sin. It also makes reference to the traditional triad of the devil, the world, and the flesh, which, according to Christian doctrine, entice sinful humans and pose a threat for those who turn away from God. Leão then offers suggestions on how to avoid the dangers of the outside world and how to approach God, the “state of grace” and eternal salvation, the “corral of glory”, as the Archbishop phrased it. (Leão 1561: 48). The majority of the book is devoted to an in-depth examination of Catholic doctrine, following a traditional structure: the Creed, the Ten Commandments of God’s law, the commandments of the Church, the seven deadly sins, the means of overcoming sin (including the sacraments), the works of mercy, and prayers. In this section on prayers, a lengthy discourse on the path of unitive love is presented, followed by a comprehensive account of the life of Christ. The section concludes with a list of spiritual exercises to be undertaken over the course of the week.

The book makes only occasional references to local reality. One such instance occurs when the author addresses the Portuguese who invested a great deal of money in the ship that sailed from Goa to Melaka and insured it, but who, in life, did not prepare themselves for death and the afterlife. Subsequently, he elucidates the first commandment (to refrain from worshipping other deities), emphasising that no “Jewish, Mohammedan or Brahminical” ceremonies should be conducted. In addressing the Church’s third commandment, he observes that the prevalent practice of widows in Goa, namely their absence from church following the demise of their husbands, is unacceptable. Finally, with regard to the sacrament of confession, he acknowledges that although the act itself was conducted in secrecy, it was revealed that should the confessor be unable to comprehend the penitent’s language, the use of an interpreter would be acceptable (Leão 1561: 57, 70, 110).

At a time when the Goa Inquisition was mainly targeting New Christians of Jewish origin, the Archbishop drew up the Tratado que fez mestre Hieronimo (Treatise by Master Hieronimo) (Leão, 1565). Following the indoctrination of the Portuguese, the Archbishop proceeded to attempt the conversion of the heretics. The Treatise comprises two sections. The initial one is a lengthy pastoral letter, serving as a kind of prologue, in which Leão provides an explanation for the publication of the work. The second section is a Portuguese translation of a text written by a Jew from Zaragoza, in Spain, who had converted to Christianity in the 15th century.

Leão commences his discourse with a quotation from the Bible (Ezekiel, XXXIV), a passage that is particularly cherished by spiritual bishops. He sought to emphasise his pastoral duty to provide spiritual guidance and support for all his flock, particularly those who were vulnerable or in need, in reference to the New Christians. This support was not enacted through punitive measures such as chastisement and physical punishment, but rather through the dissemination of doctrine and the demonstration of compassion. This approach stood in stark contrast to the severity of the punitive actions meted out to heretics by the Inquisition. This proposal for fraternal correction was not an original approach. In 1541, Francisco Machado, a Cistercian, had also employed the same biblical passage to, albeit indirectly, challenge the Inquisition and address the concerns of bishops who were perceived to be neglecting their pastoral duties. Despite being dedicated to the Inquisitor General, this text never saw publication and constituted one of the few instances in which the Inquisition was subject to criticism (Paiva 2011: 369).

Similarly, Gaspar de Leão’s pastoral letter was lacking in originality in its attempt to persuade the New Christians dispersed throughout Asia to forsake the law of Moses. To this end, he employed the use of quotations and exegesis from the Old Testament in accordance with customary practice, with the objective of providing greater conviction to those he was addressing. Nevertheless, when it came to matters of substance, Leão demonstrated a distinctive approach among his contemporaries in the episcopacy. Rather than resorting to punitive measures, he advocated for a strategy of redemption, even in the context of heretical transgressions, which he regarded as a grave sin: “Even if the sin is heresy, if it is not confirmed and persists for a long time, hope is by no means lost, as long as [the alleged heretic] has his ears open to hear the causes of his damnation”. In general, his contemporaries proceeded to implement punitive measures, whereas he advocated for forgiveness and reconciliation if the Jews were willing to rectify the situation. He also elucidated the rationale behind Christians’ compassion for the Jews, by explaining that “from you [Jews] we have received all our good: from you the law and the Prophets, from you the Messiah, from you the Apostles”. He concluded his unusual reasoning by stating, “as Christians, we have this obligation to you, and as children of Adam, we should be very sorry for your misfortune”. In essence, he was recommending Christian gratitude and commiseration towards the people of Israel. Furthermore, he expressed hope for their recovery: “I don’t think you are so lost that, seeing the deceits your rabbis are leading you into, you still want to persevere on the road to perdition”.

In order to avert the “road to perdition”, Leão then presents the aforementioned translation of the Latin text. In his own words, Jerome was a “Jew, born of Jews, indoctrinated by the Talmudists, and spent most of his time reading the Talmud”. In essence, the rabbi was one of them, but having relocated to Rome, he had converted to Christianity. This was a source of hope, and the Archbishop recognised that he was obliged to undertake this work, as it was the duty of a shepherd prelate to try to save all the sheep in his flock (Leão 1565, unnumbered pages).

The most notable text written by Gaspar de Leão was the last one he authored, the Livro Chamado Desengano de Perdidos (León 1573), which displays clear affinities with Franciscan spirituality. Probably because of some prophecies about the conversion of all the peoples of the world and predictions about the end of the Ottoman Empire, the book was placed on the Inquisition’s Index of Prohibited Books in 1581. This led to the disappearance of the majority of copies, with the exception of one, which is currently housed in the National Library of Spain. Eugenio Asensio, the first to signpost this copy, offered a reading that was both comprehensive and insightful (Leão 1960, V-CIX). The book employs the use of allegory, a rhetorical figure much to the liking of 16th century authors, and is composed of three main parts. The first was a polemic against Islam, based on a dispute between a Turk and a Christian. The second part aimed to “disillusion the lost” with good doctrine. In essence, it was about moving its recipients from a world in which they would be lost to the path of Christian salvation. This was an almost unattainable task due to the considerable cultural, linguistic, and religious diversity and divergence of conceptual frameworks among the individuals to whom the ideas were conveyed, many of whom were unable to comprehend Leão’s concepts. This section sees the author employ a systematic use of allegorical references drawn from the figure of Ulysses and the mermaids of the sea. At least since the eighth century in the Western Iberian Peninsula, the mermaids were perceived and represented as symbol of diabolical lust. This was identified as a particularly problematic vice by the archbishop, which he aimed to confront and eradicate. In the concluding section, the author reverts to his preferred topic, the spiritual path of the via unitiva. This is a “complex” book, as has already been observed (Marcocci 2012: 399), in which Leão puts forth “a path of conversion, through mystical perfection, reserved for Hindu and Muslim neophytes”.

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